By William Prince
Senator Wayne L. Morse, maverick senator from Oregon for 24 years, wrote "as long as I serve on this job I am going to serve my own master under obligation to no one."1 Senator Morse's ideals would be marked by a career of many broken relationships and public slander. His lack of fear with respect to going against the views of the President or the majority of the Senate demonstrate his status as a true maverick, however he would not be without compromise or contradiction.
During McCarthy's rein of terror, known as McCarthyism, Senator Morse actively opposed McCarthy's accusations of suspected communists without proof and his use of smear tactics. Senator Morse, himself an anti-Communist, believed that the increasing influence of Senator McCarthy needed to be curbed. Morse's opposition to the increasingly powerful McCarthy isolated him in the Senate. Old companions publicly ridiculed him and one newspaper wrote that Senator Morse was the loneliest man in Washington.2 In 1953, at the Senator's lowest point, he made a decision to support the McCarran Act, which began the era of anti-Communist McCarthyism. This decision, which he later regarded as the worst of his life, made this ardent opponent of witch-hunts, seem utterly contradictory. Why did Senator Morse make such a blatantly contradictory decision? Many have suggested that he feared becoming a victim of McCarthyism and was forced to set his ideals aside and politic to protect his career.
Senator Morse formed many of his political views in rural Wisconsin. He credited his own political influences to Robert M. LaFollette, a Republican from Wisconsin. As a student, Morse combined his skills as a speaker and advocate, recognized as a leader in his high school and college classes.3 Sympathetic to the aims of progressive leaders of the time, the future senator enjoyed the debate team where he honed his skills as an orator. His early studies included rhetoric, labor economics and law. These early years laid the groundwork for his future representation of the State of Oregon.
Morse moved to Oregon because the political environment suited his liberal views. He believed that in order to be a public servant he first needed to be an educator.4 As a member of the University of Oregon faculty, Morse believed that liberals should be able to forgo any compromise of principal and accept a defeat today in the interest of victory tomorrow. This conviction made him a politician that defied the majority in the name of ideals. Morse's convictions ensured that he would have an interesting public career. In the 1930's, he became Dean of the University of Oregon Law School. At the time he was the youngest dean in the country.
Morse was the only member of the Senate to switch parties and be re-elected. A waterfront arbitrator and member of the National War Labor Board during WWII, he had a knack for strikebreaking.5 The senator was one of only two senators to vote against the famed Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. His ability to correctly foresee and predict the outcome of the Vietnam War was prophetic and politically valuable.
Overall, Senator Morse was committed to his work. Many times his conviction for his job took priority over his other interests such as family, friends and his beloved horses. At one point one of the horses he trained kicked him in the mouth leaving him in the hospital with his mouth wired shut. The Senate believed that they would have some rest from the zealot from Oregon. However, he would have a note-taker in his hospital room relaying messages to the Senate. He later said it is amazing how much a man can talk with his mouth wired shut. It was this same spirit and exuberance that spanned his lengthy career in the Senate.
The climate in American politics in 1951 was one of fear and mistrust. A wave of anti-Communist fervor had spread across the nation. No longer did the post WWII euphoria exist. Having beaten the Axis, America had another formidable opponent whose mere existence threatened Americans' way of life. The "Red Menace" was on the forefront of American thought and it would infect and occupy the entire country.
The "Red Scare" was brought about by the seemingly endless victories communism had in Eastern Europe and China. The US was now surrounded, with the Soviet Union in the East and the Chinese in the West. Some believed communism existed within this country. Paranoia soon gave way to accusations and the rise of Joe McCarthy.
McCarthy was able to use his subpoena power as head of the House Un-American Activities Committee to interrogate Americans who he suspected to be Communists. He was able to sustain such questionable tactics by use of threats and intimidation. Politicians knew that if they spoke out against McCarthy he would publicly accuse them of having Communist ties. These threats kept most of the Senate at bay. This period, from 1951-1954, was known as "McCarthyism" for the tireless jingoist from Wisconsin at its center.
The ideals that made Senator Morse a maverick were nowhere more apparent than in his opposition to the China Lobby in 1950.6 With the inevitable overthrow of Chiang-Kai Shek and the Communist takeover of China, lobbies began to form in order to assist and provide money for anti-Communist activities. The China Lobby was a collection of wealthy nationalists whose ultimate goal was to halt the Communist take-over of China. These men actively sought out groups that they deemed communist sympathizers. Senator Morse's request to have the China Lobby investigated for reasons of illegal practices marked his entry as an opponent of the seedier anti-Communist tactics of the Senate.7
The China Lobby was extremely powerful. Senators Wherry, Knowland and Bridges were all members of this lobby. Taft's position on the China problem was almost identical to that of the lobby. This fact intimidated Morse, who believed that the lobby had gained too much power. In a letter to Secretary of State David Bruce, Senator Morse insisted that the State Department had ignored his request for an investigation because the outcome would embarrass the administration.8 The major financial backer of the China Lobby, Alfred Kohlberg, a wealthy textile owner who had made his fortune importing Irish linen that was then embroidered in China for slave wages, was a fierce nationalist who had much to lose from a Communist take-over of China.
Kohlberg spent much of his time and energy searching out groups which he believed to be Communist sympathizers. One such group was the Institute for Pacific Relations of which Senator Morse had once been a member.9 The senator's involvement in the IPR was used by his enemies to attack him as a Communist supporter. Articles ran in the Chicago Tribune noting his involvement in a suspected Communist sympathizing group. However, these smear tactics couldn't sway the senator from his stance on the China Lobby; tactics would later be used by Senator McCarthy to discredit opponents. Senator Morse had a clean record and the members of the China Lobby would be hard pressed to find evidence of Communist support.
One reason the smear tactics used by supporters of the China Lobby were unable to effectively scare Senator Morse was that he was vehemently anti-Communist. Morse had agreed with certain goals of the China Lobby, namely the prevention of the US recognition of Red China and seating it in the UN, ousting government officials that were opposed to financing the return of Chiang-Kai Shek, and helping to elect those friendly to Chiang in China. Morse's anti-Communist views would allow him to take future stands against questionable tactics to root out the Communist threat.
Although Morse was ideologically supportive of the China Lobby, he opposed its methods. Morse protested the exorbitant use of treasury funds for personal financing of the lobby. Ultimately, he feared that if the lobby had its way the US would be forced into a long and costly land war with Red China. Senator Morse offered his resolution for investigating the lobby in 1951. This request went unnoticed and a year later he returned with proof. Morse acquired secret messages that intimated the embassy had been doing all it could to see that Dean Acheson was removed from his job as Secretary of State.10 These accusations of foreign interference in US matters went relatively unnoticed.
Senator Morse's accusations did very little to alert the nation to the problems of the anti-Communist zealots. The style of bullying used by the China Lobby would be the same style that Senator McCarthy would use during his time in power. Senator Morse had made a stand against popular opinion and made it clear that he would not allow one group to gain too much power. The forces that allowed his accusation of the China Lobby were the same forces that would allow Senator McCarthy to ascend to power. Senator Morse would actively speak out against McCarthy and the actions of like-minded Senate members in his signing of the Declaration of Conscience.
On June 1, 1950 Senator Morse joined six other senators in signing the Declaration of Conscience. Morse had become disgusted with the witch-hunts and their tireless leader Joe McCarthy. Senator Morse asserted that Communists were fair game, but the lack of due process and severe tactics that were used to corral the "Red Menace" were unacceptable.11 The Declaration of Conscience, condemning the tactics of the witch-hunts, was written by Senator Margaret Chase Smith of Maine. Senator Morse continued to take stands against the witch-hunts throughout the years of McCarthyism.
Senator Morse supported the civil liberties of blacks as well as protecting the civil liberties of suspected Communists. Morse fought for desegregation in the District of Columbia during a time when this was not popular. He brought black friends to Senate meals: a practice that was unheard of.12 Senator Morse would bring his guests and introduce them to the reactionary members of the Senate. It was this attitude and vigor that made him a champion of civil liberties.
A year after the signing of the Declaration of Conscience, Senator Morse received an offer to become Attorney General. President Truman had taken heat for dismissing the beloved General Douglas MacArthur and there was proof of rampant corruption in the bureaucracy. Two tax collectors had been fired for tampering with tax returns and one had been fired for drug addiction. Morse believed the correction should not come from a committee, but from within, and he suggested a new Attorney General. Truman did just that and asked Morse to take the job.
Senator Morse had supported Truman's decision to dismiss MacArthur, stating that the President should not lose control over the military. Despite public outcry, Senator Morse maintained his support for Truman's decision. This invariably had an effect on Truman's choice for a new Attorney General. Morse informed Truman that he would give him his decision in 24 hours. Morse decided to turn down the job, believing that the risk was too high.
This was the correct move for Senator Morse as Truman was entering his last term in office and his public support was low. This type of foresight and calculation would become apparent in his dealing with Senator McCarthy. He held his ground but never overstepped his bounds. A man of ideals who knew when to attack and when to retreat, there is no doubt that Senator Morse was a maverick. However, he was not blind to the rules of politicking.
One area where Senator Morse would not bend in his ideals was the use of wiretapping as evidence to seek out suspected communists. The McCarthy era brought about many bills designed to tighten security and make it tough for spies as well as give the police force more weapons to fight espionage. The issue of wiretapping came up in 1953 when Attorney General Herbert Brownell asked Congress to allow wiretapping in cases involving espionage or sabotage.13 Senator Morse, in a statement to the American Bar Association, said wiretapping "is a police state method and members of the American Bar should be in the forefront of those resisting totalitarian devices."14 Senator Morse opposed wiretapping, but agreed to an early bill proposed by Brownell.
Senator Morse had approved of the first portion of the Brownell proposal called the Immunity Bill. This bill granted immunity from persecution of a witness for any disclosures he might make once he shed the protection of the 5th Amendment against self incrimination. Morse also expressed his belief that communists were trying to infiltrate colleges and believed that teachers did not have total freedom. He believed that Communist teachers should not retain their teaching credentials because they would not subjectively teach political history, but would attempt to implant their own views. His support of this bill was inconsistent with his prior dedication to the protection of civil liberties. This inconsistency would be a precursor to a decision he would later call the "worst of his life."
Despite these inconsistencies, Senator Morse believed wiretapping violated the 4th Amendment and it should be stopped at all costs. In a speech given to Congress Morse said "many times in history people's rights have been intruded upon by tyrannical officials."15 Morse threatened to filibuster if the act was pushed through. He insisted wiretapping was not selective and the privacy of those unsuspected of crimes would be jeopardized. He said wiretapping was a "a lazy policeman's tool"16 and he made the assertion that wiretapping was a Communist tactic.
A debate broke out between Senator Morse and Senator Ferguson, a Republican from Michigan. Senator Ferguson claimed that in the Judith Coplon case, the obviously guilty Coplon was released because of the court's illegal use of wiretapping. Senator Morse once again stated the importance of protecting people against invasions of their privacy. Ferguson replied that "the people of our country should not have to wait until it's destroyed in order to learn who the plotters against us are."17 It was this same fear factor that led to the support of Senator McCarthy. The US had become paranoid and men like McCarthy and Ferguson knew how to benefit from this fear.
Despite overwhelming support for the bill, Senator Morse continued to attack the use of wiretapping and cared little about what anyone thought of him. Morse asked the Senate "what is a nation profited if it gains security and loses its liberty?"18 Morse's continued assault on the practice of wiretapping was not fruitless and in June of 1954 the bill died before the Senate Judiciary Committee. The bill had been passed in the House 377-10, and looked as if it would be impossible to defeat. The American Civil Liberties Union made a statement that if the bill were to pass it should require the government to get court approval before planting a wire. If the ACLU had prostrated itself to the bill it was sure to pass. Despite the ACLU's belief that its passage was inevitable, Patrick Murphy Malin, the executive director of the group, applauded Morse's efforts.19
The bill was defeated by only one vote. Senator Chainman refused to vote citing an incident 20 years earlier when his office in North Dakota had been tapped during a dispute he was having with the Department of the Interior. The impact that Morse had on slowing a bill that would have otherwise sailed through the Senate was invaluable. This was a victory for civil liberties and one of the few blows to McCarthyism that year. However, Senator Morse would not be able to defy the tactics of McCarthy for long. Senator Morse would be persuaded to kowtow to McCarthy because of a politically weak period in his career: a party switch.
In 1953, Senator Morse sat on the Senate as an independent.20 He had recently switched parties because of differences over policies which became too much for him to take. He was displeased with the moves that Eisenhower and Nixon seemed to be taking to the right. First was Eisenhower's endorsement of William Jenner who frequently outdid McCarthy in his assault on political dissenters. Then there was Nixon's endorsement of Senator McCarthy and subsequent speeches that seemed as if they had been written by the China Lobby. The final straw was a meeting with Eisenhower and Taft at Morningside Heights in New York. Out of this meeting came the advancement of every item on the conservative agenda that Taft had pushed for years.21 Senator Morse, feeling betrayed, turned his back on the party he had dutifully represented for years.
His party switch left him with little power. His influence was sinking and Senator McCarthy's power was rising. It was at this moment of weakness that Senator Morse supported the McCarran Act, later called the Internal Security Act. This act required the registration of Communist-action groups. The Internal Security Act allowed political beliefs rather than actions to be used as grounds to deny aliens admission into the US or to deport them. This decision was a stark contrast to the previous major stands that Senator Morse made against similar anti-Communist legislation that lacked due process and proof of guilt.
To understand why Senator Morse made these decisions we must first understand the political climate at the time. The tyranny that existed in the Senate as a result of McCarthy's rise to power left many politicians discredited and publicly humiliated. Heretofore Senator Morse was a "clean senator," to use the parlance of the times. However, just weeks before Senator Morse made his seemingly contradictory decision and began to champion the investigative techniques he so despised his "clean record" was in jeopardy.
The event that may have forced Senator Morse to shift his stance concerned a man named Russell W. Duke. Duke was a freelance entrepreneur who made a living by offering aid to people who had tax problems with the government. Duke represented clients in San Francisco and was a candidate to head the Portland Oregon Boilermakers.22 Morse, at one point, warned Duke not to claim that he represented the senator. Duke was subpoenaed by Senator McCarthy and he made it public that Duke was a contributor to the Morse campaign. It was this kind of political smearing that Morse had fought against, and now he was in danger of becoming its next victim.
There was no evidence that Duke and Morse had a relationship beyond that of a normal constituency. Senator Morse had hurried through legislation that financially benefited some of Duke's San Francisco clients. Morse claimed that "the files will show that I have extended to Mr. Duke the same courtesy extended to every other constituent."23 No matter how innocent Senator Morse was, the accusations came at a time when the senator was highly vulnerable. He had recently switched parties and lacked the support to resist the hard-charging Senator McCarthy. Just weeks before the Duke situation, Morse told the assembled Democrats that "McCarthyism is a dangerous threat to the freedom and liberty of every American... because it substitutes trial by accusation for trial by proof."24 This had been the most forceful criticism of Senator McCarthy by Senator Morse. Just two weeks later Duke was subpoenaed by McCarthy.
After Duke was subpoenaed, Senator Morse applauded the jobs of Senator McCarthy and Senator Jenner, and supported the allocation of more funds for their committee. Morse's support for more funding was in essence giving McCarthy the means to harass and accuse people. McCarthy was able to subpoena people as long as he could generate the funds needed to pay investigators. The fact that Senator Morse supported direct aid to the Internal Security Subcommittee was strange given his previous record as a protector of civil liberties. There is little doubt that the senator felt cornered by the ability of McCarthy to use his connection with Duke to destroy him.
A dialogue between Morse and Jenner describes just how far Senator Morse had gone against his previous views. In the course of debate on the issue of how much money to allocate to the Internal Security Subcommittee, a legislative debate broke out and Senator Morse and Senator Jenner went through a theatrical interlocution with the aim of receiving more money.
Morse: Does the Senator from Indiana agree with me that there is in the body politic...a great deal of concern over the question as to whether there exist in this country subversive elements which, in case of an all-out war with Russia, would work to the detriment of our security?
Jenner: I don't think there is any question about that...
Morse: Let us be frank as I know the Senator from Indiana always is. I am referring to no member of the senate , but does the Senator agree with me that there are those in this country who seem to be in opposition to the granting of any increase in funds for the investigation of subversive activities to which the Senate has referred, because for their own reasons, none of which is good, they do not want the Congress to put itself in the position where it will have funds to detect subversive activities in this country.25
Just three years earlier Senator Morse challenged Senator McCarthy to produce evidence which supported a single accusation he had made.26 Senator Morse's opposition to the China Lobby was the excessive use of funds to seek out subversive elements and just three years later, he was siding with Senators Jenner and McCarthy. Senator Morse had a distaste for Senator Jenner. When Morse was in the hospital after being kicked in the mouth by one of his horses, Jenner suggested that the Senate take up money to buy the horse a good bale of hay.27 Senator Morse had been broken like the horses that he loved to train.
The mere threat of Senator McCarthy associating Senator Morse with Duke was enough to force Morse to go against his belief in the judicial process and praise the tactics of Senator Jenner. The fact that it came at such a particularly weak time may suggest that Morse feared becoming another innocent victim of McCarthy. There was no evidence to prove any wrong-doing, but Senator McCarthy knew that careers and credibility had been ruined for less. Only a few years earlier Senator Tyding had been beaten out because of McCarthy's accusations that he was weak on communism. If a conservative like Tyding could be beaten, there is no telling what McCarthy could do to the liberal senator from Oregon, who was already vulnerable.
Senator Morse once said that "here is one senator that is not afraid to be defeated."28 However, in the face of such a powerful opponent, Senator Morse made a decision that may have saved his career. McCarthy publicly stated that Morse had done no wrong-doing and thanked him for his support of the McCarran Act. His decision to support the McCarran Act proved his loyalty to the destruction of the Communist element in the US. Morse would later use this decision to nullify attacks that he was weak on communism. The senator bent ideologically, but he did not break. He would maintain his office long enough to see justice done to Senator McCarthy. In the next year Morse would be instrumental in pushing through the censure that would ultimately decide the fate of Senator McCarthy. Even the most ideologically sound have to succumb at some point.
Senator McCarthy's reign of terror would come to an end and once again Senator Morse would be there to see justice done. Senator Morse had joined the other members of the Senate who opposed the actions of McCarthy. In late July of 1954, Senator Ralph E. Flanders introduced a motion to censure Senator McCarthy. Upon hearing this, Senator Morse immediately called for a seven point bill of evidence providing the grounds for censure.
The push for censure by Senator Flanders had started almost a year before the official censure. Senator Flanders had belittled McCarthy's anti-Communist tactics, saying that this man who was the great protector of the Union had used the support of communists. He said that in 1946 McCarthy had accepted support from "the CIO who at that time and place where the CIO were dominated by communists."29 Flanders likened McCarthy to Hitler for striking fear into a helpless minority. A year later, Senator Flanders called for McCarthy's removal as chairman of the Investigating Committee. Senator Morse was quick to support Flanders.
As the motion for censure of Senator McCarthy went through, the Humphrey Bill was being introduced. Senator Humphrey suggested the Communist party be outlawed. It was a device to protect liberal advocates from right-wing hysteria. As Senator Morse was making an argument for the bill, Senator McCarthy interjected sarcastically, saying "I find that at the same time those who are the most active in sponsoring general laws against communism are the loudest in their screaming about those who pick up the Communist by the scruff of the neck and expose them to public view."30
Senator McCarthy and Senator Morse were scheduled to have a debate sponsored by the American Federation of Labor. The debate was to be televised and the topic was the "fairness of congressional investigations." The debate did not happen because McCarthy backed out at the last minute. However, Morse and McCarthy would meet head-to-head on the Senate floor while Morse's bills of particulars concerning McCarthy were sent to a designated committee for deliberation. The two men from Wisconsin had their chance, one a maverick who had opposed much of McCarthy's views, the other a tyrant who had spent the last four years attempting to silence the senator from Oregon.
Senator McCarthy and Senator Morse squared off like two prizefighters in a 45-minute debate. Senator McCarthy challenged Senator Morse to name one out of 650 witnesses questioned who had been mistreated. Morse retorted that he had a problem with McCarthy's one man committee and argued that methods should be put in place so that decisions could only be made if all members were on hand. Senator McCarthy said "nice little boys"31 liked to make legislation regarding the control of communism but did not like the smell that goes along with "skunk"32 hunting. Senator Morse angrily pounded his fists on the table rejecting McCarthy's skunk metaphor. Morse later pointed out that the debate was moot because the Senate would have the final say. This final point suggested Morse's faith that the majority would control the tyrant that had gained power.
Senator Morse was confident that the Senate would see McCarthy punished, but believed it needed to be done lawfully. He believed that if the Senate did not substantiate its censure of Senator McCarthy it would be guilty of the same offenses charged to Senator McCarthy. The Statesman quoted Senator Morse as saying, "Now I happen to think you ought to hang and you know it but I want you hanged fairly and not lynched by these hot tempered birds that are gunning for you."33 Senator Morse's ability to use the proper methods to discipline Senator McCarthy was not another case of him bowing to McCarthy's power; it was a representation of the profound respect he had for civil liberties. Morse believed Senator McCarthy deserved the same civil liberties that he had fought to maintain and doing otherwise would be another contradiction.
Senator Morse believed that McCarthy deserved to be disciplined in the proper manner; however, he made no attempt to conceal that he believed severe discipline was in order. He accused McCarthy of "political thuggery"34 and McCarthy needed to be stopped. The issue of the McCarran Act came up and McCarthy said he could not believe that a man who had voted for such a bill could stand there and accuse him of wrong-doing. Senator McCarthy made an excellent point highlighting Morse's one major mistake. Senator McCarthy was showing the ruthlessness that allowed him to ascend to such power. Senator Morse was able to use his stance on the McCarran Act to prove that he was a firm anti-Communist which gave him credibility in the censure process. This showed that Senator Morse was not opposed to the outcome of Senator McCarthy's desires, but to the methodology by which he went about achieving those goals.
In a letter to Mr. And Mrs. Allen Thiessen, Senator Morse claimed he would not play second fiddle in the goal of ridding this country of communism. However, he could not sit still while "liberties of American citizens are trampled in our quest to ferret out communists."35 This letter was a sign that despite his moment of weakness during the McCarran Act he was now fully committed to seeing Senator McCarthy disciplined. Thus ended the reign of terror by McCarthy. Morse had survived despite numerous attacks from McCarthy and his supporters.
Wayne Morse was a protector of civil liberties. He was one of six members to sign the Declaration of Conscience in the name of stopping the jingoist mentality that swept over certain areas of the Senate. He championed the 4th Amendment is his stand against the use of wiretapping in court, as well as supporting the desegregation of the District of Columbia. He attempted to limit the power of the China Lobby by calling for an investigation of their activities, a stance that was highly unpopular. In Morse's 24 years in the Senate his values and actions were to be admired and respected.
Senator Morse was a political contradiction. His shift from a Republican to an Independent and finally a Democrat puzzled many colleagues. He believed academic freedom did not pertain to communists despite his past as a professor. He signed the McCarran Act which went against his previous dedication to civil liberties. And finally, when he had the chance to politically crucify Senator McCarthy, the man who had given him so much grief, Senator Morse chose instead to slow the process and use the proper method for censure. This decision made little sense given his past history with McCarthy, but made perfect sense given his stance on civil rights.
The judicial system in the US is based on stare decisis, the idea that current court decisions rely on the decisions of past courts. Senator Morse did not follow this form, and his decisions often had no relation to previous thoughts on a matter. This was not an example of a weak man, rather it was an example of the reality of politics. In order to remain in politics, at some point, one may be forced to make decisions that they despise. Senator Morse was a maverick, but he was also a politician.
1. Arthur Robert Smith, Tiger in the Senate. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Press, 1962.
2. Samuel Grafton, "Concerning Morse," Colliers, 4 April, 1953.
3. Gail Quentin Unruh, "Eternal Liberal: Wayne L. Morse and The Politics of Liberalism," Ph.D., dissertation, University of Oregon, 1987.
5. Smith, Tiger in the Senate.
6. Morse Papers, Box A 22a
7. Letter from Carter D. Carrol to Morse, 26 October 1954, Morse Papers Box A 22a
8. Letter from Morse to Secretary of State David Bruce, 5 July 1962, Morse Papers Box A 22a
9. Mason Drukman, Wayne Morse: A Political Biography, Portland: Oregon Historical Society Press, 1984.
11. Unruh, "Eternal Liberty: Wayne L. Morse and the Politics of Liberalism"
13. The Wall Street Journal, 19 November 1953, Morse Papers Box A 158.
14. Speech by Morse to Congress, 18 May 1954, Box A 158.
15. Congressional Record, 11 June 1954, Morse Papers Box A 158.
17. Smith, Tiger in the Senate.
19. Letter from Murphy to Morse, 19 March 1958, Morse Papers.
20. Drukman, Wayne Morse: A Political Biography.
22. Smith, Tiger in the Senate.
24. Letter from Morse to E.T. Hiller, 3 December 1952, Morse Papers Box A 25
25. Drukman, Wayne Morse: A Political Biography.
26. Letter from Morse to Susan Sandell, 14 November 1951, Morse Papers, Box A 25
27. Congressional Record, 30 January 1953.
28. Smith, Tiger in the Senate.
31. Oregonian, 17 August 1953, Morse Papers, Box A 25
33.The Statemen, 21 August 1953, Morse Papers, Box A 83
34. Christian Science Monthly, 31 July 1954.
35. Letter from Morse to Mr. and Mrs. Allen Thiessen, 29 June 1954, Morse Papers, Box A 25